“Review: Wild Combination”. Journal of the Society of American Music, 4, 2, 2010, 271-73.

Wild Combination: A Portrait of Arthur Russell. Matt Wolf, director. Plexifilm, 2008.

 

The outlines of the life of the composer, instrumentalist, and vocalist Arthur Russell are easy enough to sketch. Born in Oskaloosa, Iowa, in 1951, Russell grew up in the Midwest when the United States was at its most Middle American. The safeness of the environment persuaded him to run away from home and settle first in Iowa City—the nearest recognizably alternative location—and then San Francisco, where he hovered on the fringes of the countercultural movement by joining a Buddhist commune as well as studying simultaneously at the San Francisco Conservatory and the Ali Akbar College of Music. In 1973 Russell decided to move to New York to try and make it as a working composer and cellist, and after enrolling at the Manhattan School of Music he segued into the downtown music scene, where he worked while living in the East Village until he died of complications from AIDS in 1992.

Russell’s musical life is much harder to summarize because it lacked a coherent arc and refused to settle within any genre. Performing and recording compositional music, pop music, new wave, disco and post-disco dance music, songs for voice and cello, and hip hop–inflected electronic songs, all in a blur of scene-hopping simultaneity, Russell sometimes sought to create music that was recognizable, but more often explored illicit combinations of styles and instruments, sometimes to the consternation of his collaborator/peers. Pursuing this practice across nearly twenty years, Russell came to be a strikingly mobile musician in a milieu that was in many respects distinguished by its relentless mobility. Contemporaries such as Laurie Anderson, the Beastie Boys, Blondie, Philip Glass, Madonna, Steve Reich, and Talking Heads demonstrated that downtowners could break through commercially if they were willing to repeat themselves enough to develop a coherent sound. Russell wasn’t willing to define himself and died in relative anonymity.

Two years after Russell's passing, Glass, a dedicated friend and supporter, released a compilation of Russell’s songs on Point Music titled Another Thought, and as the years passed, the posthumous album looked as though it would be the last of its kind. Toward the beginning of 2004, however, Soul Jazz and Audika released two more compilations¾the Soul Jazz effort focused on Russell’s twelve-inch dance singles, and the Audika album showcased his electronic pop recordings of the mid-1980s¾and the coincidence of their timing encouraged David Toop to publish a prominent feature about Russell in the Wire. That piece inspired the New York Times and the New Yorker to publish their own prominent features, which in turn led scores of other publications to commission articles. The activity set the scene for the release of several more Russell albums, most of them put out by Audika, and it also captured the attention of Matt Wolf, a young film director who was looking to produce his first major documentary.

The challenge facing Wolf as he set about making Wild Combination: A Portrait of Arthur Russell, which was eventually released in 2008, is foregrounded at the top of the film. “If you listen to Arthur’s music and you’re not familiar with it, then you think, ‘Well, how could one person work in all these different ways?’”  observes Toop in the first talking head comment of the film. “Not many people allow themselves the full extent of their complexity.” Elegant and apt, Toop’s comment suggests the question: How will Russell’s complexity be captured on film? Will the documentary attempt to chart its subject’s labyrinthine movements and projects, developing each in rich descriptive and analytical detail? Or will the film allow Russell’s complexity to lie with the comments of Toop and other collaborators in order to choose a different route into Russell’s world?

The answer is effectively conveyed to the viewer before Toop even gets to deliver his analysis. Opening with a slow-moving pan across a space-age–looking fish tank, the film switches to a shot of a cassette tape drifting in luminous water, while Russell croons over an amplified, echo-laden cello. Images of a cartridge running on a turntable, a downtown dance floor, and an Iowa cornfield lead into Toop’s comment. By then it is clear that Wolf is set on evoking the affective quality of Russell’s life¾the experience of growing up in Oskaloosa, the recurring fascination with water, the attraction to the visceral rhythms of the dance floor¾rather than having talking heads explain that life. Ensuing images of the Staten Island ferry, the family home where Russell grew up, the downtown dance floor of a private party called the Gallery, the East Village Street where Russell lived in New York, and other settings are punctuated with photos as well as a small amount of video footage. Video was an emerging art form when Russell moved downtown, particularly in settings such as the Kitchen, where he worked as the music director for a season, but Russell was camera shy and hoped his listeners would be content with sound.

When Wolf turns to talking heads, he develops them as characters that contribute to the film’s subtle, intertwining narrative strands, as well as to its affective idiom. The dreamy sighs emitted by Russell’s devoted lover, Tom Lee, the quivering lip of Russell’s father, Chuck, and the longing expression of Russell’s bass player collaborator, Ernie Brooks, outlast any of their comments. Indeed, Wolf set out to make an experimental film that would introduce visual collages over Russell’s intimate compositions until the director met Lee to elicit his approval and ended up concluding that Russell’s lover would make for a compelling character in his own right. The decision to edge toward character was cemented when Wolf met Russell’s parents, who had responded generously to their son’s frequent requests for money, even though they didn’t always care for his music. Alongside the angelic Lee, Chuck steals the film; his humor, integrity, intelligence, and emotional range deliver a blow to anyone who harbors the thought that Middle Americans are by definition reactionary.

Running at seventy-one minutes, the film is as light and intuitive as much of Russell’s music, even if Russell’s death from AIDS leads Wolf to develop a more melancholic tone than can be heard in Russell’s recordings. Such concision leaves Wolf further exposed to the charge that he could have developed a more thorough overview of Russell's life, and some of the omissions carry a degree of lingering pain, especially when they involve musicians who worked closely with Russell. Other omissions can be traced to the lens through which Wolf views Russell, which is primarily that of a young gay filmmaker who became intrigued when an acquaintance told him that Russell was a young gay Buddhist composer whose ambition was to record bubble-gum music. Wolf, however, never set out to produce a definitive documentary, and he made a point of acknowledging as much when he subtitled the film “a portrait.” Wolf’s is one take on Russell, and there’s no questioning the perceptive beauty of the result.

 

“24 −−> 24 Music”. Sleeping Bag Records / Traffic Entertainment Group, 2011.

Excerpted and adapted from Hold On to Your Dreams: Arthur Russell and the Downtown Music Scene, 1973-92 by Tim Lawrence. Copyright Duke University Press 2009.

 

24-24-Russell-cover.jpg

The album 24 −−> 24 Music can be traced back to the moment when Arthur Russell invited Mustafa Ahmed (congas), Jeff Berman (drums), Julius Eastman (organ), Peter Gordon (tenor saxophone), Rome Neal (percussion), Larry Saltzman (guitar), and Peter Zummo (trombone) to perform an orchestral disco jam at the Kitchen, an experimental venue for compositional music, on 27–28 April 1979. The musicians improvised around scores in order to create a continuous, evolving groove, while taking their cues from Arthur as he sawed away on his cello. Happiest when asked to take a risk, Zummo says he felt “very free” during the performance, while Neal remembers, “The Kitchen gig gave me a chance to really stretch out on my instrument and jam with the conga player, who was amazing.” The result combined frenzied percussion, a raucous guitar, excited drums, and a plummeting trombone, and resembled a cross between Osibisa, the Clash, and the Original Dixieland Jazz Band. At the end of the gig the crowd of people dancing at the back of the venue applauded, while the rest of the audience tried to make sense of what they had witnessed. “There was a schism between the presence of Nicky Siano [the DJ at the Gallery] and the disco crowd, and the new-music people,” says Donald Murk, who worked as Arthur's personal manager during the late 1970s. “The new-music people seemed to be fascinated by the strange, disco-ite presence. The atmosphere was one of bemusement.” 

Convinced the Kitchen audience was “very snobbish about disco,” which it judged to be “a ‘low’ form of music,” Steven Hall, a close friend of Arthur's, says the orchestral disco concert was “a very careful, well-staged affront to the Kitchen people and their sensibilities,” and he recalls being euphoric at the end of the concert because the idea of presenting orchestral disco as a form of “serious classical music” had “really worked.” “Arthur was baffled as to why they would discriminate,” notes Hall. “The concert was a very political move on his part, because he was doing this in the Carnegie Hall of downtown.” Arthur had already encountered a slice of the growing disdain for disco when he played a Hamilton Bohannon record to a friend, only for the friend to judge it “second-rate music.” “That was such a weird thing to say,” Arthur commented in a later interview. “I’d never thought of it in those hierarchical terms. It always seems important to me to avoid such value judgements.” In a similar vein, Zummo recalls Arthur saying, “If the beat is good enough to move people’s bodies, it won’t be treated as serious music,” and the trombonist adds there was “tension” in the Kitchen during the “orchestral disco” performance.

According to Hall, the concert was controversial enough to provoke a feud. “There was a sense that Arthur sold out his so-called ‘serious’ reputation with disco, and the people running the Kitchen were shocked that he had the audacity to bring this world of sleazy music into this highbrow situation,” he explains. “It was very bold of Arthur, and he was very proud of that break.” Less certain than Hall that Arthur “intended to flip the bird,” Murk remembers Arthur believing there were many Kitchen regulars who thought he was making good money from disco and regarded him as a “traitor to the new music scene.” Yet Murk also recalls the orchestral disco audience being more baffled than hostile, and his recollections are in line with those of Arnold Dreyblatt, who had studied media art at Buffalo and composition at Wesleyan before he moved to New York to work with La Monte Young. “Nobody knew what the hell to make of it,” notes Dreyblatt. “Rhys and Glenn were high energy and strong overtones, but here was this music that had a disco beat, lovely melodies, strange twists, and bizarre lyrics.” Whereas Rhys Chatham belted out a clear message of intent when he played his minimalist guitar compositions, Arthur’s wonky groove music seemed to be much more difficult to interpret. “I remember being very surprised, and at first I found it partially unintelligible,” continues Dreyblatt. “It wasn’t accessible as a statement without somehow knowing Arthur, or knowing more than what was happening in new music. And very few people who were there that night would have known about the alternative disco scene.”

Having developed his production skills with recordings for Sire and West End, Arthur zipped in and out of Blank Tapes to preserve the orchestral disco concept on multitrack tape with an appropriate mix of musicians. Established collaborators included Wilbur Bascum (bass), Julius Eastman (keyboards and vocals), Peter Gordon (tenor saxophone), Kent Goshorn (vocals), Butch Ingram (bass), Jimmy Ingram (keyboards), John Ingram (drums), Timmy Ingram (congas), William Ingram (guitar), Jill Kroesen (vocals), Rome Neal (percussion and vocals), and Peter Zummo (trombone). New faces included Rik Albani, a Zummo collaborator, who played trumpet; Marie-Chantal Martin, a little-known vocalist; Denise Mercedes, a guitarist in the punk outfit the Stimulators and a Poet’s Building resident; and Ed Tomney, the moving force behind a new-wave outfit called the Necessaries, who also played guitar. “Arthur was special in his mission of merging the worlds of black music and orchestral music,” acknowledges Neal.

During the session Arthur sat on top of the studio’s Rhodes piano and blew bubbles through a mug of ginseng tea while the musicians acclimated to their surroundings. “Arthur was on a mission, but he was very, very sensitive to the vibe of the people he was working with,” says the engineer Bob Blank. “He was very concerned with their comfort and their feeling OK around him. It seemed like he was being casual and random, but he was very prepared and had a lot of paperwork with him.” The paperwork included conceptual scores filled with staves and colored Cagean parabolas, and he instructed the players to feel out a section of the notated music before developing a decentered, improvised flow, because instead of recording specific songs, he wanted his musicians to lay down shifting combinations of sound. “Arthur came in with this road map, but then had five different pieces going at once,” recalls Blank. “He had one of those lateral brains that could hear across all this different material.”

Arthur was entering uncharted territory. Whereas his first twelve-inch single “Kiss Me Again” was written before he went into the studio, and the subsequent Loose Joints jams were organized around a series of songs, the orchestral disco sessions cut the songs altogether—and upped the improvisation that had started to unfold during the Loose Joints recordings. “Arthur might have had a sense of what the finished product would be, but I saw it as a process,” says Zummo, who was asked to play in what Arthur called his “chromatic style,” setting off the cellist’s more tonal mode. “He’d put some music in front of me and I’d say, ‘Where do you want me to play from?’ He’d say, ‘Just play.’ I never understood how the score guided the process. It was a very open sound field.” A novice in dance music, Zummo saw the sessions as “working with Arthur,” who happened to be recording dance. “The Ingram brothers were hot, and because the drummer was so good and the beat was happening, the trombone wasn’t an impediment; it could just soar above. It’s also true for jazz. Playing the trombone can be a struggle because it’s a difficult instrument, but I don’t recall finding it difficult to record any of that stuff.” One of a number of musicians who were asked to return to the studio to record overdubs, Zummo adds: “Arthur used conceptual bases to go into a recording studio and then proceeded to record funky tracks. I was generally astonished. It was all new.”

The vocalists ensured the final cuts would bear only a fleeting resemblance to disco. Martin delivered a series of surreal phrases in a shrill, squeaky voice that mixed French and English. Eastman sang “In the corn belt” as if recording atonal opera with Maxwell Davies, and “Go baaannnggg” as if that opera had been staged in a gay sex club, like the Anvil or the Mineshaft. And Kroesen sounded like she was halfway through a second bottle of whisky when, depressed and unsteady, she almost wailed out: 

Thank you for asking the question

You showed us the face of delusion

To uproot the cause of confusion

I wanna see all my friends at once

I need an armchair to put myself in your shoes

I’m in the mood to ask the question

Ohhh, thank you

Oh, oh, thank you for asking a question

You showed us the face of delusion

To uproot the cause of confusion.

 With the tracks laid down and no record company leaning on him, Arthur made a copy of the tape and started to explore the infinite sound combinations that were available to him. “Arthur began bouncing tracks back and forth,” remembers Gordon. “He had two twenty-four-track machines that he synched up, and he would find songs by combining these elements.” At the end of the process, Arthur labeled the tapes “24 −−> 24,” as if his own presence and that of the musicians had become secondary to the tape-to-tape conversation, which offered not so much a documentary capsule of the sessions as a way of exploring them ad infinitum. “Arthur was playing the studio the same way he would play the cello,” adds Gordon. “He tried to capture a certain roughness of performance. The process was getting looser and Arthur was feeling freer. There was almost a sense of him saying, ‘I can do this!’”

Along with Gordon, Arthur became one of the first composers to join pop alchemists (George Martin, Phil Spector, and Brian Eno), dub excavators (Lee “Scratch” Perry and King Tubby), and disco remixers (Tom Moulton and Walter Gibbons) in the mission of reinventing the studio as a place where sound wasn’t merely reproduced but also created. The move was innovative in the field of compositional music, for while John Cage and Karlheinz Stockhausen had experimented with computers and tape, they also subjected their work to the discipline of rigorously developed scores; others had challenged the totalitarian status of the score without acknowledging that the recording process could be a key aspect of composition. “Scoring moved away from being a precise description of the sound, with every possible parameter notated, to a set of instructions that produced a precisely defined but at times highly variable result,” comments Sublette. “But by the 1960s, some of these instruction pieces had gotten very abstract indeed, and consisted even at times of what seemed more like poems in the form of instructions.” By the late 1970s, composers began to acknowledge that the recording process could generate sound that existed independently of a score, and in July 1979, just a month or so after the orchestral disco sessions were wrapped up, Brian Eno presented a paper titled “The Recording Studio as Compositional Tool” at the Kitchen. “Arthur was really dealing with the studio as an instrument,” notes Gordon. “This approach was something that was in the air, and it was radical.” 

Refiguring the role of the orchestra and the score, Arthur also took disco though a series of highly original, counterintuitive maneuvers. For the best part of a decade, disco producers such as Alec Costandinos, Kenny Gamble and Leon Huff, Vince Montana, Giorgio Moroder, and Barry White had worked with the sound of the symphony orchestra, and their records imbued disco with a combination of musical complexity and emotional force that, when not treated with care, could also sound excessive and bombastic. Orchestral disco ran the additional risk of eliminating the felt groove out of disco -- because the symphony orchestra was too large to allow for this kind of work, and also lacked players who were attuned to this kind of expressiveness. Arthur, however, slimmed down the size of the orchestra and assumed a nonchalant approach to his own score, which his jam-oriented musicians were encouraged to drop whenever they felt the need.

As Arthur refined his approach, he distinguished his own use of repetition from the kind of repetition that appeared in earlier minimalist works. “I think the kind of repetition that comes out of me and is in dance music is somewhat different to the repetition of minimalist works of the Sixties and Seventies,” he explained in an interview several years later. “Dance music is more improvisatory. It uses an extendable structure which on the one hand is recognizable, and on the other, improvisatory. It's based on hearing what you do while you do it." Convinced the engagement with dance was as important as the exchange between orchestral music and pop, Arthur urged other composers to explore the culture. “I have a recollection of Arthur describing disco clubs as ‘temples of music’ and evocatively describing the beauty of bass frequencies coming out of the subwoofers,” comments Chatham. “I went to a disco at the old Fillmore East [the Saint] and decided that he was right. I was blown away and had no idea where this music was coming from. But I was so into my own trip I just didn’t pursue it. It was Arthur who explored this other exotic area.” 

* * * * *

 Arthur identified with the natural world. His handmade flyers featured childlike sketches of birds and antelopes; he stuck a cutout cardboard rabbit onto the front of his cello; he carried stuffed animals onto stage with him during performances; and songs such as “Eli” developed animal themes. In assuming the Dinosaur moniker when he released “Kiss Me Again,” he took up the cause of the extinct, and his subsequent use of the name “Killer Whale” would create an alliance with the endangered. And as he set about establishing his own label following the falling-out with West End, he started to nestle up close to a cuddly koala bear.

Arthur met his label partner at the Loft, the weekly house party hosted by David Mancuso on Prince Street. The stocky son of one of Mancuso’s lawyers, Will Socolov met the Loose Joints coproducer Steve D’Acquisto and then Arthur, after which he asked his father to provide the Loose Joints producers with a loan to enable them to complete their sessions. Realizing he had been drawn into a “fucked up situation,” Socolov turned against D’Acquisto—who had “no right being in the studio” and “bossed Arthur around constantly”—and told him to “fuck off.” Socolov drifted until a chance collision with Arthur on West Broadway resulted in Arthur asking him to form a partnership and open a record company. Backed by Socolov’s father and an oldtime record promoter called Juggy Gayles, the label acquired a name when James Brown’s “Papa’s Got a Brand New Bag” started to play over the radio, which prompted Socolov to joke that he could forget about buying a brand new bag—he was still going to bed in a sleeping bag. Arthur seized on the throwaway remark, and Socolov agreed that “Sleeping Bag” sounded like a good name. “It was supposed to be a reaction to the disco era and to make fun of that,” he notes. “Arthur and the rest of us were, ‘Fuck the cool way! We’re not going to be wearing designer suits!’” Emphasizing the label’s alternative, idiosyncratic intentions, Arthur proposed that they also use a picture of a koala bear sitting in a sleeping bag as their logo.

Socolov’s entrance encouraged Arthur to move away from D’Acquisto. An important enabler and an inspirational presence, D’Acquisto’s relentless championing of Arthur’s ingeniousness had provided the self-doubting composer and instrumentalist with a valuable dose of self-belief. Yet the Loose Joints coproducer also required a return for his big-heartedness, and when Arthur chose not to follow a particular piece of advice, a more confrontational side emerged. Having lent Arthur money to record the 24 −−> 24 tapes—it’s not clear how much—D’Acquisto assumed they were part of an ongoing production team, but Arthur had become less sure about that, and the emergence of Socolov and Sleeping Bag Records encouraged him to think laterally. Whatever his stake, D’Acquisto hadn’t managed to engineer a release for the 24 −−> 24 tapes, and given that eighteen months had passed since they were recorded, Arthur had no qualms about taking them to Sleeping Bag. D’Acquisto was devastated. “Arthur was basically a bit of an opportunist,” he says. “He was an artist who needed to work and he would go anywhere if somebody promised him money.”

With D’Acquisto out of the picture and the 24 −−> 24 tapes lined up to appear as Sleeping Bag’s debut album, Arthur returned to the studio to record additional tracks with Lola Blank, a backing singer with James Brown who was married to Bob Blank. In possession of a powerful, gospel-trained voice, the vocalist had to unlearn everything she knew. “I had just come off the road with James, and I said, ‘Arthur’s great! He’s funky!’” she recalls. “He was this very quiet, non-descript person who would sit and watch, and the next thing you knew, he’d create this funky music! He was one of the most creative, innovative, and off-beat producers and composers I’d worked with.” “Bang go-bang-bang go-bang-go,” she sang in a crazed, little-girl voice that made it sound like she had escaped from a psychiatric hospital in a helium balloon. “Go bang bang bang go-bang it back.” “Most of the R&B singers are gospel,” adds Lola, whose voice was augmented with echo in the studio. “You’ve heard one, you’ve heard them all. For me, recording with Arthur was a time when I could be creative and fun. It was a time when I could go a bit crazy. I could sing anything and he’d make it work.” Bob looked on open-mouthed. “I hadn’t seen that side to her,” he explains. “Arthur brought that out of her.”

Wrapped in a silkscreen cover designed by Tom Lee that featured a gray print of a marauding dinosaur plus a cluster of bright red, floating “24”s and arrows in the top left corner, 24 −−> 24 Music by Dinosaur L was released on Sleeping Bag at the end of 1981. (Arthur had added the “L” to provide the artist name with a more powerful numerological value.) Discordant and manic, “You’re Gonna Be Clean on Your Bean” opened Side A with sharp beats and a repeated Peter Gordon saxophone refrain, after which a rhythm guitar and a synthesizer underscored a barrage of high-pitched, hysterical yelps delivered in a female voice’s Franglais, and a recurring rap-chant of “You gonna be clean on your bean” in male voices that sounded deadpan yet quizzical. “No, Thank You” continued the stumbling-out-of-the-asylum ambience, with Zummo’s chromatic trombone skipping over echoey keyboard notes as a female voice intoned in a pained, desperate near-shriek, “I said, ‘No thank you.’ I meant, ‘No thank you, please.’” “In the Corn Belt” featured Arthur’s descending cello lines and Zummo’s zigzagging trombone, as well as a surreal operatic cameo by Julius Eastman, who sang, “In the corn belt, CORN, COOORRRNNN.” “Get Set” interspersed its merry-go-round sound clash of instrumental riffs and longer solos with a range of percussive effects. And “#7” consisted of a live take from the orchestral disco performance at the Kitchen—the night when Arthur’s weird, funky, art-house jam began to take shape. 

That jam found its ultimate expression on the album’s second track, “Go Bang!,” which opened with John Ingram’s tight, sibilant drums, Eastman’s faint keyboard, and Jill Kroesen’s slurry, unstable vocals. Judging by the tone of her voice, Kroesen wasn’t in a fit state to buy a pint of milk, let alone “uproot the cause of confusion,” which was one of her stated goals, yet the musical backdrop provided an outlet from the chaos when it shifted to a toughened beat pattern that incorporated Eastman’s keyboard and Timmy Ingram’s congas along with Arthur’s twangy, pizzicato cello. Running for several minutes, the groove was interspersed with Eastman’s faint orgasmic cries of “I want to go baaannnggg” (which began at a subterranean register before scaling three-and-a-half octaves to end on an orgasmic high) and, a little later on, the sound of a sustained, discordant, undulating cluster of notes (as if Eastman had taken a few swigs of whatever Kroesen was drinking and ended up crashing on the keyboard). While layers of percussion washed in and out, a group of male vocalists—probably Arthur, Rome Neal, and Kent Goshorn—blurted out: 

I wanna see all my friends at once

I’d do anything to get the chance to go bang

I wanna go bang

I wanna go bang

I wanna see all my friends at once

I’d do anything to get the chance to go bang

I wanna go bang.

A cluster of scrunched-up guitar and trombone lines prefigured the close of the track, which concludes at seven minutes and fifty-two seconds.

In a nod toward the nonlinear underpinnings of the tracks, which had been spliced from tapes of tapes of tapes, the album’s six tracks were given new numbered titles and listed in a jumbled-up sequence—“#1 (You’re Gonna Be Clean on Your Bean),” “#5 (Go Bang!),” “#2 (No, Thank You),” “#7,” “#3 (In the Corn Belt),” and “#6 (Get Set).” The studio had become the space of searching and madness, where tapes overflowed onto the floor and the splice reigned supreme. “Arthur didn’t say, ‘I’ve got a song called ‘Go Bang!,’ let’s record it,’” notes Gordon. “It was more like discovering the song in the raw material.” As the molecular composition of sound was explored, knowledge didn’t so much accumulate as disintegrate, and although most of the tracks were given names, these were bracketed and provisional, suggesting that they were unfinished and might (or perhaps even should) continue to evolve after their initial release. Music can unravel under this kind of scrutiny, and the unraveling that took place on 24 −−> 24 Music was reflected in Arthur’s sound, which often seemed to slur as the instruments and vocals were slowed down or sped up to the point where their waves didn’t produce any kind of meaning.

Nevertheless, 24 −−> 24 Music wasn’t so much illegible as unpredictable, with its shaky jams and counterintuitive patterns taking up residence on the precipice of implosion. Drawing on the solo workout of jazz, the spatial awareness of dub, the raucousness of rock, and the insistent drive of funk and disco, the album’s instrumentation and claustrophobic edits depicted a universe that consisted of tangents and coincidences. Yet the album also flirted with structure, with its rhythms searching for a sustained groove and its songs hinting at the possibility of organized form. Refusing to gloss over the complexities of the world, the album sounded surreal but was actually very real, as well as foreign while being grounded in a neighborhood where disco, jazz, rock, new music, and Latin music seeped out onto the streets. Presenting a strangely coherent, left-field sound that hinted at genre yet remained steadfastly unnameable, 24 −−> 24 Music could only have been developed by an artist who was embedded in the full range of downtown’s diverse music scenes—which is to say, it sounded like an Arthur Russell album.

The album confirmed Arthur as a significant writing talent. “Kiss Me Again,” “Pop Your Funk,” and “Is It All Over My Face?” (the latter two released by Loose Joints) had provided snapshots of his ability to come up with memorable hooks, and with the release of 24 −−> 24 Music he demonstrated that he could come up with vividly expressive lines with ease. Track “#3 (In the Corn Belt)” harked back to the earthiness of his home state, while “#1 (You’re Gonna Be Clean on Your Bean)” and “#5 (Go Bang!)” were laced with the same kind of witty sexual innuendo as “Pop Your Funk” and “Is It All Over My Face?” Yet as far as Arthur was concerned, this was all very unremarkable. Ever since his time in San Francisco, he had penned lyrics that combined vernacular language and evocative imagery at a phenomenal rate, and Tom Lee, Arthur's lover, points out that the popular appeal of his lyrics was deliberate. “Arthur saw them as catch-phrases,” he explains. “As serious as he was, he wanted people to respond to his music. He wanted his lyrics to be anthemic.”

Arthur also wanted his lyrics to appeal beyond a gay male listenership, and “#5 (Go Bang!)” remains indicative of his oeuvre. The record contained obvious homoerotic undertones, with Eastman’s vocals simulating the moment of male orgasm with startling expressiveness, and the lyric “I want to see all my friends at once, go bang” suggested a male orgy. Indeed it’s even plausible that Lola Blank’s contribution was cut from the final mix in order to emphasize the all-male thrust of the lyrics. Yet the line “I want to see all my friends at once, go bang” also evoked the better-than-sex moment of the dance floor when the DJ worked a mix with sublime dexterity or caught the mood of the floor, and the crowd responded with energized moves and jubilant screams. “Arthur’s lyrics were more sexual than homosexual,” comments Steven Hall. “‘Go Bang!’ is about having all my friends in one place, which is more like a hippie ideal of everyone making out together. Arthur was inclusive in a way that even some early gay pride pioneers were not in terms of straight sexuality, and he was also informed by his experiences with women. It is limiting to think of his music through the gay prism.”

Although “#5 (Go Bang!)” was the likeliest dance cut on 24 −−> 24 Music, most of the DJs who had got into “Kiss Me Again” and “Is It All Over My Face?” were unnerved by its spider’s web structure, in which threads of instrumentation were woven together into a springy, mucoid mesh. Larry Levan, the DJ at the Paradise Garage, persevered with the record, and so did David Mancuso, but most thought it was too difficult for dancers, so when album sales ground to a halt at the two thousand mark, Socolov gave Arthur the green light to ask François Kevorkian to remix the record. The Prelude Records mixer agreed, even though he hadn’t warmed to “Kiss Me Again.” “There was something in the hook, in the songwriting, in the germ of it that meant it could never become one of the great songs,” he comments. “There were parts that were really intense—the tom toms at the end of one mix—but they lasted for a minute and then they were gone.” Because it was “extremely complex, disorganized, and uncompromising,” “#5 (Go Bang!)” presented a different kind of challenge, but Kevorkian reckoned it was something he could work with. “There are people who think the original version is a work of genius, which I’m not going to disclaim, because Arthur had his own vision of things, which was very peculiar and very much genius-like,” he says. “But sometimes genius works are hard to play at parties.”

Asked to deliver the remix for as little money as possible, Kevorkian went into Right Track Studios, worked through the night, and emerged the next morning unhappy with his effort, which was “not to the point at all.” Kevorkian came from a jazz-rock background and was familiar with the chaotic beauty of Sun Ra, Pharaoh Sanders, and Cecil Taylor, yet none of their music prepared him for the Byzantine complexity of Arthur’s studio work. “The multitrack was an absolute, utter, and total mess,” he recalls. “The way all the elements were thrown in there seemed to be gratuitous. It was just so thick. There were all these great ideas, but every thirty seconds there would be a change of direction. There were at least twenty songs that could have been put together from those tapes.” Having studied the tapes track by track in order to create a “master score” map, Kevorkian ended up spending so much time on this task that he failed to “absorb all the data and make sense of it.” Adamant he wasn’t willing to hand over the remix, he insisted that Socolov allow him to go back into the studio and work on it for an extra day—even if he had to pay for the studio time himself. “There was some arguing back and forth,” recalls the mixer. “Finally we came to an understanding.”

Kevorkian returned to the studio intent on providing the diffuse if compelling original with a more streamlined and structured focus. First off, he plucked out a Zummo trombone phrase from the depths of the multitracks and positioned it as an avant-garde fanfare that opened the remix. After that, he created a streamlined groove in which instrumental phases were signaled with greater clarity. Key parts, such as Eastman’s sound-swarm synthesizer, were chopped into recognizable shape, soaked in echo and reverb, and given a curatorial position above the driving track. In addition, two vocal quotes—Eastman’s operatic orgasm, which was hazy and submerged in the album mix, and Lola Blank’s off-kilter, little-girl utterances, which hadn’t been used at all—were transformed into vivid motifs that regulated the tense drama of the mix. “Lola and Julius Eastman were outstanding in their unique and quirky way,” reflects Kevorkian. “The rest was the icing on the cake.”

With the studio work completed, Kevorkian cut an acetate of the remix and handed it to Mancuso, who played it at the first opportunity. “The whole thing took fire right away,” says Kevorkian. “It was one of those instant records. There was nothing like it and you couldn’t forget it. From the Loft perspective, the record was all about baaannnggg.” But when Arthur went to the Loft with Socolov the following weekend, he was disappointed with what he heard. “After David played it Arthur came up to me and said, ‘I can’t believe it! François is trying to sabotage me!’” recalls Socolov. “I thought he was going to say, ‘Man, it’s fucking great, I’m really happy,’ because that was the first time he heard it in a big venue, so I was surprised.” Socolov asked for clarification. “I said, ‘Arthur, what are you talking about?’ And Arthur replied, ‘François is trying to ruin me! The drums are muddy! They’re not the way they’re supposed to be!’” Arthur wanted the drums to be pounding, perhaps after Bohannon, who was one of his favorite percussionists and producers, but Socolov just laughed. “I said, ‘You’re out of your mind! The people went crazy! It sounded great!’ I think he agreed afterwards. But he still felt the drums could have been EQ-ed [equalized] differently.”

Convinced Arthur was way ahead of his time, Mancuso made a point of hanging onto his album copy of “#5 (Go Bang!),” which contained so much information and so many nuances it reminded him of John Coltrane. But the Loft host also thought that Kevorkian’s remix was “very, very good,” and because the remix was tailor-made for the circus-like climax of his parties, Mancuso started to play the album version as the party was warming up and the twelve-inch during its peak. The remix would also become Levan’s favorite record of all time, and Arthur made a point of traveling to the Paradise Garage to hear it thunder out of the world’s most powerful sound system while some two thousand black gay men responded in an explosion of energy. When a spandex-clad Lola Blank and a tuxedoed Wendell Morrison (a session vocalist with Inner Life) performed “Go Bang!” at the venue, the song’s lyrics were so effective in generating their utopian objective, the performers were drowned out in the din. “When Wendel went ‘Go baaa . . .’ you couldn’t hear the record any more,” remembers Bob Blank, who looked on from Levan’s booth. “It was amazing to see the reaction. I had no clue.”

Featuring an echo-laden Kevorkian remix of “Clean on Your Bean” on Side B, the twelve-inch remix of “#5 (Go Bang!)”—now titled “Go Bang! #5”—was released in the spring of 1982. It was picked up in no time at all by Frankie Crocker, a regular at the Garage who would take a peek over Levan’s shoulder whenever a record caught his ear, and the WBLS DJ started to rotate the twelve-inch immediately. “We heard ‘Go Bang!’ on the radio and on the street,” says Lee. “The whole idea of it getting played was a big boost.” Enthusiastic reviews increased the record’s momentum: Billboard described it as “progressive jazz”; New Musical Express named it as “a strange new fascination, a jazzy sensation”; Dance Music Report hailed it as “an instant ‘underground classic’”; and New York Rocker noted that “with its electric piano and congas, it sounds almost Nigerian.” The author of the New York Rocker piece, Steven Harvey, was an unlikely convert given that he was a member of the experimental rock group Youthinasia, yet he found himself drawn to Arthur’s combination of dub and repetitive rhythms—elements that the journalist-musician would later identify as being the most salient feature of downtown dance music in the early 1980s. “Arthur was really hip to that in the way he mixed his music,” notes Harvey. “I got to know him, but it was completely around the music. Arthur struck me as being very ambitious about his music and he worked hard at getting it over, but he was shut down, slightly strange, and emotionally cool.”

Composed by Arthur and refined by Kevorkian, the “Go Bang! #5” twelve-inch uncovered fresh territory for both experimental music and disco. Zummo, who actively sought out difficult music, was wary of the process that resulted in the record becoming “presentable,” yet still appreciated the remix, while Gordon (who received a coproduction credit for finding the male rappers who performed on “Clean on Your Bean”) felt that Kevorkian’s disciplining handiwork “revealed another side of Arthur’s music.” The mixer, meanwhile, believed the twelve-inch was one of his finest to date. “It sounded really special,” he notes. “It brought all these different elements into a flow that is so natural you’d think it was recorded like that, when it fact it was the opposite.” Having expressed concern about Kevorkian’s use of the drums, Arthur came to appreciate the mixer’s work, which he valued above Jimmy Simpson’s version of “Kiss Me Again” and Levan’s reworking of “Is It All Over My Face?” “It was very different from the album version, but that was never a problem for Arthur,” comments Lee. “The song was still his basic idea and he was thrilled with what François did.” Arthur, adds Kevorkian, was also excited to see his record “become a major-league contender.”

“Epiphanies: Dinosaur L 24 → 24 Music”. Wire, September 2010.

I wanna see all my friends at once

I'd do anything to get the chance to go bang

I wanna go bang

I wanna go bang

 

Arthur Russell liked to see all his friends at once, and during the second half of the 1970s his social life revolved around two discrete groups people; the composer-instrumentalists who had pioneered the eclectic sound of new music in venues such as the Kitchen and the Experimental Intermedia Foundation, and the DJs, revelers, and instrumentalists who had forged a compelling form of dance culture in nearby party spaces such as the Gallery, the Loft and the Paradise Garage. A child of the counter-cultural movement as well as a talented synthesist and provocateur, Russell also enjoyed seeing what would happen when divergent types were brought together in the same room. So in the early months of 1979 he invited the composers and the dance musicians (plus a couple of new wave guitarists) to record an album. An amalgam of the results were released as 24 24 Music by Dinosaur L in 1981, the debut title of Sleeping Bag Records, which Russell co-founded with Will Socolov.

“#5 (Go Bang!)”, the standout track, assimilated the disparate elements of the downtown music scene. Playing taut, the Ingram brothers, a family of musicians from Philadelphia, laid out the foundational disco-funk groove, after which the drag composer Jill Kroesen delivered surrealist lines in a post-punk whimper. The ensuing jazz-haze keyboard jam, played by the black queer baritone composer Julius Eastman, vied for dope supremacy with Loft dancer Rome Neal’s additional percussion. Further vocals from Eastman, whose voice emitted its orgasmic cry at the back of the mix, plus Neal and Iowan schoolfriend Kent Goshorn, who rap-spoke lines about wanting to see all their friends at once, punctuated the workout. Running to 7:55, the track closed with interlocking clusters of rumbling guitar notes, spluttering trumpet lines, and additional keyboard squiggles.

Disco had found a way to co-exist in a mutant form the integrated elements of orchestral music, new wave, jazz and rap, but only David Mancuso of the Loft played the track with any kind of sustained enthusiasm, so Socolov commissioned the remixer François Kevorkian to bring his dance floor know-how to the sprawling brilliance of the original. Famed for his cutting-edge work at Prelude Records, Kevorkian stripped out layers of percussion, cut a batch of instrumental flourishes, shortened the track by half a minute, and gave added emphasis to a range of memorable motifs, including composer Peter Zummo’s buried trombone (which Kevorkian brought to the top of the track), Eastman’s spectacular orgasmic cries (which were now placed higher in the mix), and the crazed-girl-on-helium vocals delivered by the James Brown backing singer Lola Blank (which Russell had discarded from the album version). Titled “Go Bang! #5”, the remix tore up the Garage and the Loft. Dancers of all persuasions were just so happy to go bang.

I remember hearing a slice of “Go Bang” at the Gardening Club’s Feel Real night, where I danced close to every Friday between the autumn of 1991 and the summer of 1994. The night’s DJs -- the Rhythm Doctor, Evil O, Femi B and Rob Acteson -- were into the dub and jazz inflected house music that had started to flow out of New York in the late 1980s and early 1990s, and every now and again they would play Todd Terry’s “Bango (To the Batmobile)”, a 1988 track that sampled Blank’s vocal and inverted the “Go Bang” title. Heavy and pulsating, Terry’s beats were notable, but the record stood out because of Blank’s utterly strange vocal somersaults. Russell, I would discover later, was less than happy when he discovered he had been sampled without permission.

I heard the full Kevorkian remix for the first time when I bought the Spaced Out: Ten Original Disco Funk Grooves compilation from Dance Tracks in 1997, three years into my four-year stay in New York City. The owners of the East Third Street store Joe Claussell and Stefan Prescott had been urging me buy more classics (pre-house favourites) for a couple of years, but I remained an unrepentant house head, and was often puzzled by the enthusiasm other dancers would show when “Little” Louie Vega put on monthly classics parties at the Sound Factory Bar. I’d been possessed by house music’s pulsating electronic textures ever since I first encountered the sound during an accidental yet wonderful trip to the Haçienda during the summer of 1988, and I couldn’t grasp why anyone would want to listen to the low-adrenalin live drums of disco instead. But on “Go Bang! #5” I couldn’t help but notice that the bass beat thudded with intent -- this despite the fact that Russell complained Kevorkian hadn’t made the drums fat enough -- while the decentred effects, flipped out solos and dub aesthetic anticipated and outstripped the best house had to offer. Driven by the synergistic effect of musicians jamming together in real time, “Go Bang! #5” rescued me from the modular and circular logic of house.

I started to research the book that became Love Saves the Day in the autumn of 1996 and conducted my first interview with Mancuso, who persuaded me to begin my history in 1970 rather than 1985, in the spring of 1997. A friend of Mancuso’s, Russell was so enamoured with the Loft he recorded the twelve-inch single “Is It All Over My Face?” with the Ingram brothers plus a mini-tribe of Loft percussionists and vocalists; this was the twelve-inch single that preceded “Go Bang! #5”. Mancuso liked the idea of the record, but thought the result a little too amateurish and rough. In contrast Mancuso thought that both versions of “Go Bang” were extraordinary, and in a later conversation likened Russell to “Dylan and Coltrane rolled into one.” That remains the best description I’ve heard of the Oskaloosan composer, cellist, guitarist, vocalist, producer and songwriter.

Prompted by Mancuso and teaming up with friends, I started to help put on Loft-style parties with in London in 2003. One night a few years later Mancuso came over to listen to some records, and during a discussion about the merits of remixing he suggested I put on the original version of “#5 (Go Bang!)”. By then I had started to research my biography of Russell and the downtown music scene -- the idea was to better understand the integrator who lay behind Dinosaur L -- but had yet to pay close attention to the album version of “Go Bang”, in part because Kevorkian had told me it lacked the singularity required by the dance floor. The next evening, Mancuso played the album cut at the party, and the room shimmered with excitement as soon as Kroesen started to sing. Everyone was so familiar with the remix, the original recording sounded like a far-out remake. On the floor, surrounded by friends, I smiled out loud.

“Voguing Music”. Soul Jazz, 2011.

Growing out of the drag queen ritual of throwing “shade”, or subtly insulting another queen, voguing can be traced back to the early 1970s.

“It all started at an after hours club called Footsteps on 2nd Avenue and 14th Street,” says David DePino, the alternate DJ at the Paradise Garage and a DJ for the House of Xtravaganza, the first all-Latin drag house. “Paris Dupree was there and a bunch of these black queens were throwing shade at each other. Paris had a Vogue magazine in her bag, and while she was dancing she took it out, opened it up to a page where a model was posing and then stopped in that pose on the beat. Then she turned to the next page and stopped in the new pose, again on the beat.” The provocation was returned in kind. “Another queen came up and did another pose in front of Paris, and then Paris went in front of her and did another pose,” adds DePino. “This was all shade—they were trying to make a prettier pose than each other—and it soon caught on at the balls. At first they called it posing and then, because it started from Vogue magazine, they called it voguing.”

An alternative genealogy has it that the dance style was forged by the black gay inmates of Rickers Island, a New York City jail, who exchanged shade and poses as a way of whiling away the hours. “Maybe they didn’t have a name for it, but that’s what they were doing, or so it’s said,” comments Kevin Ultra Omni, head of the House of Omni and a veteran of the scene. “I know Paris was an early pioneer of voguing. But I believe that vogue existed in some other form through other people as well. I also think that a lot of voguing poses come from African art and Egyptian hieroglyphics.”

Taking their moves into New York’s discotheques and bars, voguers steered clear of the centre of the floor, where the concentration of dancing bodies would be at its most concentrated and the intensity of the party felt at its strongest. Instead they headed to the periphery of the floor, or even a back room area, where they would find more space to execute their moves and, perhaps more importantly, enjoy the kind of space that would enable them to see and be seen. The honing of skills continued on the West Side Piers, where drag queens hung out in houses, or extended non-nuclear families that were organised by mothers and fathers who would take care of their children and help them prepare for drag balls. Held once a month, the balls were extravagant affairs that enabled houses to compete with one another across a range of categories. The emphasis placed on dressing, walking and posing also meant they doubled as a place where drag queens further honed their voguing skills.

One of the earliest discotheques to attract a black gay crowd, Better Days contained a main dance floor where the legendary Tee Scott played a mix of hardened funk and disco, and also a back room, where dancers would head if they fancied a break or a spot of cruising or a chance to dance the hustle. It was there that Omni noticed voguers modelling in front of what might have been an imaginary mirror, styling and posing in time with the music, turning a hat sideways before bringing it back, and pivoting with grace, “all to the beat”. “I met Paris in 1975,” says Omni, “and I remember her in Better Days, posing on the back dance floor and throwing shade.”

Having focused on striking poses as if they were fashion models, voguers began to introduce contorted, jerky, slicing moves into their repertoire after they became familiar with the swift, angular movements of Bruce Lee and his co-stars while working trade inside Times Square’s porn cinemas, or heading there after a night’s work to get some rest. “Hand movements, posture, attitude and presence were most important,” Willi Ninja, the founding mother of the House of Ninja, commented in 1994. “Then people started doing splits, and Hector [Xtravaganza] and I started dislocating our arms and doing what they now call ‘arm clicking’, where you’re dislocating the arms and doing cartwheels and aerials. And then I began combining martial arts movies.”

Ninja, who also took inspiration from the Asian neighbourhood where he grew up, adds: “The dance takes on many forms. It combines a little technical dance, from, say, jazz and ballet, with acrobatics. As for my own form, it has as much to do with watching Indian and martial arts movies and fashion shows and putting bits and pieces together. There’a Latin base, which is the flowing movements, and then there’s the African base, which is the hard, strong, blocking and clicking.”

The outlook of voguers was improbably close to those of the breakers who started to hone their style in the Bronx in the second half of the 1970s. Both sets of dancers developed their skills through a mix of competition, athleticism and an impulse to be noticed rather than to blend into the crowd (the aim of most partygoers of the era). In addition, the voguing technique of throwing shade was matched by the breaker turn to burning, or the miming of miming attacks and insults. But while both sets of dancers were committed to “keeping it real”, their understanding of what that involved contrasted radically, for while hip hop realness was grounded in the idea of urban authenticity, voguers viewed it as an ability to pass as someone they weren’t, or to perform drag effectively. Moreover, the societal status of the sexual preferences that underscored these differences led breakers to dance in public settings, often in broad daylight, while voguers headed to the abandoned piers or the clandestine spaces of gay-driven dance venues and drag balls.

Just as breakers developed their style around a set of recordings that enabled them to express a form of spectacular athleticism, so voguers became inspired by an alternative soundtrack that accentuated their ability to punctuate graceful movements with a series of freeze-shot poses. Like the Latin, rock and funk-oriented tracks that drove early breaking culture, recordings that featured staccato stabs on the “one” actively encouraged voguers to go into a assume a static pose and then adjust that pose according to the introduction of each successive stab, while elegant, swooping strings encouraged them to walk with style. “Lyrics had very little to do with a song being popular with voguers,” says DePino. “It’s all about the beats and the stabs. The stabs are the part of the song that the voguers would land on and pose to.”

Above all other recordings, M.F.S.B.’s “Love Is the Message” captured the sensibility of voguers in the 1970s. Initially played by David Mancuso at the Loft and Nicky Siano at the Gallery, the record became the unofficial anthem of New York’s downtown private party scene, where the record’s tight rhythm section and sophisticated orchestration elevated it above the more pop-oriented strains of “T.S.O.P. (The Sound of Philadelphia)” (which also appeared on the M.F.S.B.’s debut album and went on to become a major chart success). Combining fanfare drama, jazz sophistication and a silky-spacey rhythm section, “Love Is the Message” provided the ideal backing track for the grandiose, stylish, celebratory balls, and the song came to be played as the anthem that opened every event in conjunction with a drag parade. “Disco classics like ‘Going Up In Smoke’ and ‘Bad Luck’ are funky but the mood they evoke is melancholic,” says DJ Danny Wang, a one-time member of the House of Ultra Omni. “Old school vogue records contain elegant jazz chords that sound grand and airy, which is the case with ‘Love Is the Message’.”

Voguers were also drawn to songs such as “Love Hangover” by Diana Ross and “Ooh, I Love It (Love Break)” by the Salsoul Orchestra. The slow, sultry opening of “Love Hangover” summoned drag queens to embrace a highly sexualised femininity that built in intensity as the track moved to its freak-out groove, with Ross herself idolised as an icon of black feminine beauty. Remixed by Shep Pettibone following a tip-off from his DJ friend Leslie Doyle, “Ooh, I Love It” became a voguing classic thanks to its pose-friendly horn stabs and the knowingly naughty rapping lines of the song’s backing singers. “The classic old school voguing tracks have these specific chords and they also have a certain ‘cunty’ femininity,” says Wang. “The girls who rap in ‘Love Break’ are an example of this and so is Diana Ross in ‘Love Hangover’. They sing in this cool, breathy, orgasmic style. It’s the opposite of gospel.”

Other records emerged as recognisable voguing anthems as a result of the inadvertent conversation they initiated up with drag queens. Released by Columbia Records in 1978, Cheryl Lynn’s “Got to Be Real” appealed to the drag queen preoccupation with passing as real, which became the primary criterion according to which judges would award marks at balls. Co-produced by Arthur Russell and Steve D’Acquisto, “Is It All Over My Face?” by Loose Joints appealed thanks to its sleazy sound, its insider reference to ejaculating over another person’s face, and its use of the word “over”, which doubled as black gay slang for being over-the-top. Regularly selected by DJ Larry Levan at the Paradise Garage, where voguers started to hang out from around 1984 onwards, George Kranz’s highly unusual beat-scatt track “Din Daa Daa” lent itself to all manner of thrusts, twists and poses. “But real serious voguers will get down to any kind of good music,” adds Wang. “My instructor Muhammad Ultra Omni often spoke of ‘hitting the beats’, or using his body and gestures to find and define the polyrhythms set forth by the music. So a good voguer can vogue theoretically over anything with a beat and often does this in clubs.”

Voguers were presented with the first track to be intentionally tailored to their style when Malcolm McLaren released “Deep in Vogue” in 1989. Widely known for his high-profile adoption of punk and hip-hop, McLaren found out about voguing when Johnny Dynell, a Tunnel DJ and member of the House of Xtravaganza, sent him a tape of Paris Is Burning, an unfinished movie by Jennie Livingston, in the hope that it would help the director raise money to wrap up her project. “I told Malcolm about the ball house scene because I thought it was perfect for him,” recalls Dynell, who encountered voguers and ball kids on the West Side piers before they started to head to the Tunnel. “Of course, he immediately put sound bites from the movie on his record. What the hell was I thinking?” As with hip-hop, McLaren promoted the voguing scene as a subcultural trend that harnessed working-class energy into music and dance. “It is to do with everyday life,” the impresario told New Musical Express. “It’s amazing, so many of the shows here, you’ve got all these bimbos who walk without passion. The great thing about Voguing is you walk with passion.” Ninja was hired to dance on the video, the first of its kind.

Three other vogue-specific tracks were released during 1989 and 1990. Having witnessed his mid-week night at Trax become the most popular voguing hangout in the city, DePino teamed up with  Dynell to produce “Elements of Vogue”, which featured a commentary on voguing by David Ian Xtravaganza. A year later, Danny Xtravaganza to record his own spoken-word poem-song over the fat bass and punch beats of “Love the Life You Live”, a Freddy Bastone production for Nu Groove. And during the same year, Madonna teamed up with Shep Pettibone to release “Vogue”, which went on to become the best-selling single of 1990. “Madonna’s friend Debbie M always came to Tracks and was a friend of mine and two other Xtravaganzas, Luis and Michael, who was a hairdresser and did Debbie M’s hair,” says DePino. “They set up a meeting with me and Madonna, who came to Tracks when the club was closed to meet and watch some voguers. I had a group of kids there to vogue for her, including some kids from other houses. She picked out who she liked for the video.”

Madonna also gravitated to the Sound Factory, where Xtravaganzas had started to congregate on a Saturday night thanks in part to DJ Junior Vasquez’s 1989 production “Just Like A Queen” by Ellis D (a play on LSD). “The first time she came to the club she called ahead,” says Vasquez. “She came into the booth and then sat on the speaker in front of me. After that she came periodically for about three months.” Jose and Luis Xtravaganza went on to work as backing dancers for Madonna during the explosive Blond Ambition tour, after which they starred in the behind-the-scenes documentary of the tour, In Bed with Madonna (titled Truth or Dare in the U.S.). “Madonna never came back to the Sound Factory after the tour,” adds Vasquez. “She was over vogue.” For his part, Vasquez went on to release “X”, which featured hard tribal beats, sparse synth lines and a sample of a drag queen saying “extravaganza” that was lifted from Paris Is Burning. The ensuing release of “Get Your Hands off My Man” confirmed Vasquez’s skill at picking out evocative vocal samples and laying them over a driving tribal house track.

During the late 1980s and early 1990s voguers also made a point of dancing to “The Brutal House” by Nitro Deleuze, “Break 4 Love” by Raze, “What Is Love” by Deee-Lite and, above all, “The Ha Dance” by the Masters at Work duo “Little” Louie Vega and Kenny “Dope” Gonzalez. A staple at the Wednesday night Underground Network party at the Sound Factory Bar, where Vega DJed and Ninja became a regular on the dance floor, “The Ha Dance” was built around a sample of Eddie Murphy and Dan Akroyd delivering a nonsense chant during the film Trading Places, Vega’s imitative synth effects and Kenny Dope’s slamming beats. “‘The Ha Dance’ was the ultimate anthem for ‘new way’ voguing, which is defined by its tight geometrical and gymnastic forms,” says Wang. “It is extremely demanding on the body because it requires massive stamina and break-dance-like popping and locking. Handstands and double-jointed ‘arm control’ movements are not uncommon.”

“New way” voguing can be traced back to the moment in the early 1980s when ball organisers expanded the number of competitive categories, which in turn led to the introduction of specific butch queen and banjee boy categories. The rise of these masculine classifications chimed with a historical juncture that witnessed the intensification of the AIDS crisis coincide with the Reagan administration’s promotion of a series of neoliberal polities that led to a rapid increase in inequality. During the same period, hip hop producers fostered a significantly tougher beat structure and rapping style than had been evident on earlier releases, and this in turn encouraged voguers to accentuate their own athleticism and aggressiveness. “The ascendance of hip hop, with its cartoony male archetypes, was bound to attract the children's attention, not to mention their critique,” Guy Trebay noted in the Village Voice in 2000. Tracks such as Armand Van Helden’s “Witch Doktor”, which introduced siren effects and screams into the stuttering beat structure of “The Ha Dance” provided dancers with a track to match the mood on the floor. “‘Witch Doctor’ was the huge new-way-voguing anthem,” notes Wang.

Rooted in the milieu of the drag ball, the nightclub, the cabaret circuit, the ghetto, the piers and the sexually transmitted disease clinic, voguing culture shifted again in the middle of the 1990s, or a couple of years after Clinton sought to draw a line under the militaristic and capitalistic ravages of the Reagan-Bush era, and just when activists and health workers started to bring the AIDS crisis under control. Assuming a new style for the softer times while contributing to the tireless reinvention of their culture, voguers forged a new femme vogue sensibility that featured, in the words of Aaron Enigma of the House of Enigma, “pronounced hip movement [and] cha-cha-based footwork (often in stocking-feet for maximum slide), peppered with classic striptease gestures.” Enigma adds: “The emphasis is on how flamboyant one can be through movement alone.”

Featuring the the spoken word poetry of butch queen Kevin Aviance, a regular performer on the New York club scene, “Cunty (The Feeling)” embodied the new sensibility. Including the stabs made familiar by “Love Is the Message” “Love Break” and “Vogue”, “Cunty” also reminded voguers of some of the core elements that inspired their style and dance.

“Disco: Liberation of the Body”. Liberazione, Italy, 18 June 2006.

Translated into Italian by Francesco WARBEAR Macarone Palmieri

In the popular imagination, disco conjures up images of Studio 54, the celebrated New York 1970s nightclub, where hoards of would-be dancers queued up on a nightly basis, waving their arms frantically in an attempt to catch the eye of the venue's doorman, as if they were at an auction bidding for their own lives. Disco also triggers thoughts of John Travolta, the star of Saturday Night Fever, striking his white-suited peacock pose of unrestrained Brooklyn machismo as he takes to the dance floor. And disco arouses "ear worms" that emit the shrill white pop of the Bee Gees, who stripped the genre of its black groove en route to becoming its best-selling band. Narcissistic mirrors, over-elaborate lighting systems and unfortunate fashion trends fill in a little more of this widely held perception, which includes everything except for progressive politics. Dig a little deeper, though, as I did in my research for my history of disco, Love Saves the Day, and the picture changes dramatically.

Bringing together the protagonists of gay liberation, the civil rights movement and the feminist movement, who gathered in the abandoned lofts and murky basements of a bankrupt New York, disco was born in cauldron conditions. Two epoch-defining venues, the Loft and the Sanctuary, initiated a new, radical practice of all-night, non-partnered dancing at the beginning of 1970, and disco culture held onto its countercultural potential until the summer of 1979, when Steve Dahl, an embittered Chicago rock DJ who resented the newfound cultural power African Americans, gay men and women had discovered through disco, detonated forty thousand disco records during a "disco sucks" rally.

Whereas the dance floor was once the place for Man to meet Woman, the Loft and the Sanctuary recast it as a multicultural, polymorphous, free-flowing space where individuals could let go of their everyday selves and dissolve into the mutating desire of the crowd. Marginalised in wider society, gay men and women, as well as ethnic groups ranging from African Americans to Puerto Ricans, were dominant on these dance floors, but crucially the experience was open to all. Disco was a rare example of New York's melting pot ethos put into practice.

Encouraged by the penetrating affect of amplified sound, the close proximity of other bodies, and the otherworldly effects of disorienting lights and psychotropic drugs, dancers sacrificed their individual egos to the creation of an amorphous, improvised flow of merging bodies and penetrative music ¾ a circuit of collective energy that was greater than the sum of its parts. Entering into a creative relationship with the DJ, dancers participated in a democratic and collective form of music making that allowed them to experience their bodies as neither straight nor gay, but in a transformative circuit of affect and desire. Disco, above all, promised the liberation of the body and the arrival of a queer utopia.

Dance culture survived the "disco sucks" backlash, but disco, which had become an undeserving symbol for the moral and economic sickness of the recession-blighted United States, was beyond convalescence. Since 1980, dance music, which remains first and foremost an electronic mutation of disco, has gone through period cycles. It has flourished when sexual exploration is the zeitgeist, when women and gay men have been empowered, and when technological innovation has spurred on the creation of innovative sounds and rhythms. Yet dance culture has atrophied when the political terrain has turned hostile, as it has during times of war, or imagined immigrant/religious threat, or heightened heterosexual anxiety. Rock music and (for the last twenty-five years) rap have prospered during these periods, in part because they are in their element when politics is postural and confrontational. It is dance, however, that seems to offer the greatest social potential, and that potential can be traced back to the disco era.

Dance culture's scenes and sub-scenes now form a root-like network that its antagonists can barely understand, and this has made the cultural more resilient than its 1970s predecessor. The cultural terrain of the 1990s, however, has been hostile. The AIDS epidemic, the rise of neoliberal competition, the economic emasculation of black working class communities and "moral majority" strictures of Berlusconi, Blair and Bush have undermined dance culture's foundations. At times like these, dance can seem unintelligible. Organised around rhythm and sensation rather than lyrics and song, the culture can struggle to confront the major political crises of the day. Yet dance ¾ arguably more than the cinema, the sports stadium, the theatre or the church ¾ can function as an open, participatory, experimental, non-competitive community that is organised around progressive pleasure. By re-examining disco we can better understand its liberationist potential.


DISCO: La Liberazione Dei Corpi

Tim Lawrence è l’autore di Love Saves the Day: La Storia della "Dance Music Culture" Americana, 1970-79, pubblicato in Italiano da Key Note Multimedia, www. www.maurizioclemente.com. La sua performance di presentazione del testo sul piano discorsivo e musicale verrà ospitata da Phag off nel festival Queer Jubilee III (www.phagoff.org), venerdì 23 alle 10:30 pm Al club Metaverso sito in via di Monte testaccio 38/a. Per maggiori informazioni sulla saggistica e la ricerca di Tim Lawrence, visitate  www.timlawrence.info.

Nell’immaginazione popolare, la “Disco” propone immagini dello “Studio 54”, il celebrato club degli anni ’70 di New York dove orde di ballerini vorrei-ma-non-posso passavano ogni notte in fila, alzando le loro braccia spasmodicamente nella speranza di cogliere lo sguardo di chi gestiva le vip list, come se fosse una questione di vita o di morte. La “Disco” porta a pensare a John Travolta, la star del film “La febbre del sabato sera”, nella sua posa machista da gallo di Brooklyn vestito di bianco, mentre si impossessa del dance floor. Ancora, La “Disco” risveglia nei timpani (hear worms is: “i vermi dell’orecchio” but it has no sense unless it is a metaphore that I don’t know) il suono stridulo del pop bianco dei Bee Gees, spogliando il genere del suo groove nero nell’ottica commercializzante della band. Specchi narcisisti, sistemi di luce iper-elaborati e mode sfortunate sono gli elementi rimanenti a rinsaldare tale visione che include tutto eccetto una politica progressista. Scavando un pò più a fondo, come ho fatto con la mia ricerca sulla mia storia della Disco “Love saves the day”, l’immagine cambia drasticamente. La disco è nata in un calderone che riunisce i protagonisti del movimento di liberazione gay, del movimento per i diritti civili, nonché del movimento femminista; soggettività che hanno riempito i loft abbandonati e gli sporchi seminterrati di una New York in bancarotta (I changed the phrase structure here). Agli inizi degli anni ’70, due locali epocali quali il “Loft” e il “Sanctuary” iniziarono una nuova pratica radicale della ballo notturno “senza-partner”, legando la disco al suo potenziale controculturale fino al ’79. In tale data un dj rock di nome di Steve Dahl, aggredì il neonato potere culturale che donne, afromericani e gay scoprirono attraverso la disco, facendo esplodere fisicamente ben quattro mila dischi “disco” durante una manifestazione intitolata “disco Sucks” (La disco fa schifo; N.d.t.). Se il dance floor era una volta uno spazio dedicato agli uomini per incontrare donne, il Loft e il Sanctuary lo hanno risiginificato come spazio fluttuante, polimorfo e multiculturale dove gli individui potevano lasciar fluire i loro sé quotidiani lasciandoli dissolvere nel mutevole desiderio della folla. Marginalizzati nella società, donne e uomini gay così come gruppi etnici (siano essi african americans o portoricani) diventarono gli interpreti principali di quei dancefloor ma cruciale affermare che l’esperienza era aperta a tutti. La disco fu un raro esempio d messo in pratica  dell’ethos del melting pot newyorkese. Incoraggiati dal penetrante effetto del suono amplificato, dalla prossimità “tattile” (this is a word that I added) dei corpi, dagli effetti d’altro mondo delle luci, nonché delle droghe psichedeliche, i partecipanti sacrificavano il loro io alla creazione di un flusso amorfo e improvvisato di corpi mescolati e musica penetrativa – un circuito di energia collettiva molto più imponente della somma delle parti. Entrando in una relazione creativa con il dj, la gente partecipava ad una forma democratica e collettiva di produzione musicale che permetteva loro di esperire i loro stessi corpi ne come gay ne come etero bensì come un circuito trasformativo di affetto e desiderio. Ciò che la disco fece fu, sopratutto promettere la liberazione dei corpi e l’arrivo di un’utopia queer. La cultura Dance sopravvisse al rinculo della manifestazione "disco sucks”, ma la disco, che nel frattempo era diventata l’immeritato simbolo per la malattia economica e morale della recessione statunitense, andò oltre la convalescenza. Dall’80 la dance music, che rimane una mutazione elettronica della disco, ha attraversato periodi differenti. È fiorita quando l’esplorazione sessuale ha avuto il suo zeitgeist, quando donne e gay hanno accresciuto la loro forza e quando l’innovazione tecnologica ha abilitato la creazione di suoni e ritmi innovativi. Ancora, la cultura dance si è atrofizzata quando il terreno politico è divenuto ostile, specialmente nei periodi di guerra o di produzioni di capri espiatori migranti/religiosi (i used escare goat, see if it sounds good for you) o di incremento dell’ ansia eterosessista (i used heterosexist at the place of heterosexual, see if you like it). Il rock e il Rap sono prosperati durante questi periodi (negli ultimi 25 anni), in parte perché sono nel loro elemento quando la politica si fa posturale e confrontazionale (i didn’t really understand what you mean by “Their element”). È il ballo comunque ad offrire il potenziale sociale maggiore il quale non può che essere rintracciato storicamente nell’era della disco. Le scene e sotto-scene della cultura Dance formano oggi un network radicato che i loro antagonisti a malapena percepiscono (i usea percieve better then vcomprhened, see if it fits) e ciò ha prodotto una forma culturale più elastica che nei loro predecessori degli anni ’70. Ad ogni modo, Il terreno culturale dei ’90 è stato ostile. L’epidemia dell’ A.i.d.s., la crescita della competizione neoliberista, la castrazione economica della classe operaia di colore e le restrizioni della “moral majority” di Belrusconi, Blair e Bush hanno minato le fondamenta della dance culture. In periodi come questo, tutto ciò può sembrare non intelligibile. Organizzata intorno a ritmo e sensazione più che testo e canzone, la cultura può arrivare a confrontarsi con le maggiori crisi politiche del giorno. Ancora, il ballo – molto probabilmente più del cinema, gli sport da stadio, il teatro o la chiesa – può funzionare come comunità non-competitiva, sperimentale, aperta e partecipativa, organizzata intorno al piacere progressivo. Riesaminando la disco potremo capire meglio il suo potere di liberazione.

Saggio originale di Tim Lawrence. Traduzione di Francesco WARBEAR Macarone Palmieri

“Party Time with David Mancuso and the Loft”. Placed, Germany, September 2007.

Introduction reprinted in Loops, 2, 2010, 85-91.

Introduction and interview published in Italian in Nero, 15, February/March 2008.

 

Like a soup or a bicycle or Wikipedia, the Loft is an amalgamation of parts that are weak in isolation, but joyful, revelatory and powerful when joined together. The first ingredient is the desire of a group of friends to want to get together and have some fun. The second element is the discovery of a room that has good acoustics and is comfortable for dancing, which means it should have rectangular dimensions, a reasonably high ceiling, a nice wooden floor and the possibility of privacy. The next building block is the sound system, which is most effective when it is simple, clean and warm, and when it isn't pushed more than a fraction above 100 decibels (so that people's ears don't become tired or even damaged). After that, the room should be decorated, with balloons and a mirror ball offering a cheap and timeless solution. And because the party might last a long time, and because some friends might be hungry, a healthy spread of food and drink should also be prepared. Finally ¾ and this really is the last thing to get right, and can only follow once everything else is in place ¾ the friends will need someone to bring along some dance records. After that, it's party time.

All of these parts were assembled at 647 Broadway, in the abandoned NoHo district of New York City, when David Mancuso hosted a Valentine's Day party in his loft in February 1970. That party, which soon became known as the Loft, wasn't so much a moment of inception, or the point from which all subsequent events can be traced, as a moment of synthesis in which a number of practices and experiences, some of which can be traced back to a much earlier period, came together in a new form. The children's home where David was taken straight after he was born suggested that families could be extended yet intimate, unified yet different, and precarious yet strong. Sister Alicia, who took care of David and put on a party with balloons and food and records whenever she got a chance, suggested the Loft from another time and space. The psychedelic guru Timothy Leary, who invited David to his house parties and popularised a philosophy around the psychedelic experience that would inform the way Mancuso selected records, was another resonant figure. Co-existing with Leary, the civil rights, the gay liberation, feminist and the anti-war movements of the 1960s were manifest in the egalitarian, come-as-you-are ethos and rainbow coalition demographics of the Loft. And the Harlem rent parties of the 1920s, in which economically underprivileged African American tenants put on evenings to help fend off their landlords, established a template for putting on a private event that didn't require a liquor or cabaret license (and could accordingly run all night because they lay beyond the control of New York's licensing authorities). These streams headed in a multiplicity of directions before meeting at 647 Broadway in February 1970.

The February party didn't have a name, but the homemade invitations carried the line "Love Saves the Day". A short three years after the release of "Lucy In the Sky with Diamonds", the coded promise of acid-inspired things to come was easy to unpick for those in the know, although in this instance Beatles gobbledygook was exchanged with a commitment to universal love. The invitations also reproduced an image of Salvador Dali's "The Persistence of Memory", which now looks like another cryptogram, but didn't resemble one at the time because David hadn't yet had his latent childhood memories of Sister Alicia jogged into Technicolor revelation. Of course the image of Dali's melting clocks wasn't simply random: David was offering his guests the chance to escape the violence and oppression of everyday life, and the idea of entering into a different dimension of time, in which everyone could leave behind their socialised selves and dance until dawn, was intended. "Once you walked into the Loft you were cut off from the outside world," says David. "You got into a timeless, mindless state. There was actually a clock in the back room but it only had one hand. It was made out of wood and after a short while it stopped working."

When David's guests left the Valentine's Day party they let him know that they wanted him to put on another one soon, and within a matter of months they had become a weekly affair. Inasmuch as anyone knew about the events ¾ and few did because they were never advertised, being private house parties ¾ they acquired a reputation for being ultra hip, in part because 647 Broadway was situated in the ex-manufacturing district of downtown New York where nobody but a handful of artists, composers, musicians, sculptors, video film makers and dedicated bohemians had thought about living. They moved in because the district's abandoned warehouses offered a spectacular space in which to live, work and socialise, and the inconvenience of having to hide the kitchen, bedroom and bathroom from view (in order to avoid the punitive searches of the city's building inspectors) turned out to be an innovative way to free up space in order to do things that weren't related to cooking, sleeping and washing. Outside, the frisson of transgression was heightened by the fact that there was no street lighting to illuminate the cobbled streets, and because David didn't serve alcohol, he was able to keep his parties going until midday, and sometimes even later, long after the city's bars and discotheques had closed. "Because I lived in a loft building, people started to say that they were going to the Loft," remembers David. "It's a given name and is sacred."

From the beginning, David looked for ways to improve his sound system because he was convinced this would result in a more musical and intense dance floor experience. He began to invest in audiophile technology and asked sound engineers to help him build gear, including tweeter arrays and bass reinforcements, which David would tweak during the course of the party, sending shivers down the spines of revellers. Yet by the time they come to dominate the increasingly popular discotheque scene of the 1970s, David concluded such add-ons interfered unnecessary with his audiophile set-up and resorted to purchasing increasingly esoteric equipment, including Mark Levinson amplifiers and handcrafted Koetsu cartridges, which he combined with his Klipschorn speakers. "I had the tweeters installed to put highs into records that were too muddy but they turned into a monster," explains David. "It was done out of ignorance. I wasn't aware of Class-A sound, where the sound is more open and everything comes out."

Like the space, the legal set-up and the buffet, the sound system was introduced in order to assist the party dynamic, and as David relentlessly fine-tuned his set-up, the dancing became more free flowing and intense. "You could be on the dance floor and the most beautiful woman that you had ever seen in your life would come and dance right on top of you," says Frankie Knuckles, a regular at the Loft. "Then the minute you turned around a man that looked just as good would do the same thing. Or you would be sandwiched between the two of them, or between two women, or between two men, and you would feel completely comfortable." Facilitating a sonic trail that was generated by everyone in the room, David picked out long, twisting tracks such as Eddie Kendricks "Girl, You Need A Change of Mind" and War "City, Country, City"; gutsy, political songs like the Equals "Black Skinned Blue Eyed Boys" and Willie Hutch "Brother's Gonna Work It Out"; uplifting, joyful anthems such as Dorothy Morrison "Rain" and MSFB "Love Is the Message"; and earthy, funky recordings such as James Brown "Give It Up or Turnit a Loose" and Manu Dibango "Soul Makossa". Positive, emotional and transcendental, these and other songs touched the souls of dancers and helped forge a community.

The influence of the Loft spread far and wide. At the end of 1972 a Broadway regular set up a similarly structured party for an exclusive white gay clientele called the Tenth Floor, which in turn inspired the establishment of Flamingo, the most influential white gay venue of the 1970s. Objecting to the elitist nature of Flamingo's so-called "A-list" dancers, another Loft regular founded 12 West, which was intended to create a more democratic party environment for white gay men. As all of this was unfolding, another Loft regular, Nicky Siano, set up his own Loft-style venue called the Gallery where he mimicked David's invitation system, hired David's sound engineer, and also borrowed a fair chunk of David's dance crowd when the Broadway party closed for the summer of 1973. Richard Long and Mike Stone's SoHo Place along with Michael Brody's Reade Street also drew heavily on David's template. And when both of those parties were forced to close, Brody opened the Paradise Garage, which he positioned as an "expanded version of the Loft", and invited Richard Long, considered by some to be New York's premier sound engineer, to build the sound system. Meanwhile Richard Williams, another Loft regular, moved to Chicago and opened a Loft-style venue called the Warehouse. Having grown up on the dance floor of the Loft, Larry Levan and Frankie Knuckles went on to become the legendary DJs at the Garage and the Warehouse, where they forged the contours of what would come to be called garage and house music. Other spinners such as Tony Humphries, François Kevorkian and David Morales look back on the Loft as an inspirational setting. The Loft, in other words, was an incubator.

Like any party host, David has had to face some unexpected hitches during his thirty-eight year journey. In June 1974 he moved into 99 Prince Street after he was pressured into leaving his Broadway home, and ten years later he bought a promising building in Alphabet City, only to see the neighbourhood slide into a virtual civil war instead of receive moneys promised for regeneration. By the time David was forced to leave a space he was subletting on Avenue B towards the end of the 1990s, things were beginning to look inescapably grim. But before he was vacated that particular space, David received invitations to travel first to Japan and then to London. Initially reluctant to put on a party outside his home, David accepted both offer, and although he experienced some problems, he ended up returning to both Japan and London in order to team up with other groups of friends who wanted to put on regular events. As he went about this work, David stuck to the principles that have driven him from day one: be faithful to your friends, find a good space for a party, seek out the best sound equipment available, and say "thank you" when you're invited into someone's home. In the process, David drew on the life shaping experience of his orphan childhood to realise a profound philosophical lesson: homes can be built wherever you put down roots and build relationships. Returning again and again to Japan and London, David realised his own universal vision, which was previously constricted to New York, but has now captured the imagination of partygoers across the globe.

Shortly after making his first trips to Japan and London, David also hit upon a hall in the East Village that has become the new home of the Loft, and although the parties are now held on holidays rather than a weekly basis, David is convinced the dance floor is as vibrant and energetic as ever. The fact David doesn't live in the space is a little inconvenient in that he has to set up his sound system each time he plays, but even though he doesn't sleep in the hall, he's also more comfortable in his current space than any of his previous homes. "It's in the heart of the East Village, which was where I always used to hang out," he says. "I might have lived on Broadway, but for the other five or six days I was in the East Village. This is where I've been hanging out since 1963. My roots are there. My life is connected to the area." Forging new roots and connections, grandparents have started to dance with their grandchildren on the floor of the New York Loft.

Thanks to David's longevity and belated recognition as a seminal figure in the history of New York dance culture, it has become easy for partygoers to assume that the Loft has come to resemble a nostalgia trip for the halcyon days of the 1970s and early 1980s. Since February 1970, however, David has always played a mixture of old and new music, and he continues to mix it up in a similar way to this day. New faces in Japan and London might arrive expecting a trip down disco alley, but that's not what they get, because the party isn't a fossil-like impression of what it used to be. Throughout, David has remained committed to selecting records that encourage the party to grow as a musically radical yet never musically negative community. This sonic tapestry can sometimes sound strange to dancers who have become accustomed to a political climate in which communities are dismantled in favour of materialistic individualism and capitalist-nationalist wars, but the countercultural message is persuasive. "After a while the positive vibe and universal attitude of the music was too much for me, but this moment of hesitation and insecurity only lasted for a few minutes," commented a dancer after one party. "Then all the barriers broke and I reached the other side. Like a child, I stopped caring about what other people might think and reached my essence, through dancing."

Confronted by the tendency of partygoers to worship at his DJing feet, even though he has never considered himself a DJ and is resolute that this kind of attention detracts from the party, David positions the turntables as close to the entrance as possible so that dancers see the floor and not the booth as they enter the room. In a similar move, he also arranges the speakers so they will draw dancers away from the booth and towards the centre of the floor. Yet in London (much more so than in New York) dancers tend to face David, even though the effect is the equivalent of sitting with one's back to the orchestra at a concert. And at the end of these parties dancers applaud as if he's some kind of saviour, when in fact he's a guy who helps put on parties and tries to read the mood of the floor as the "sonic trail" unfolds. Reinforced by a cultural environment that encourages crowds to seek out iconic, authoritative, supernatural leaders, the adulation makes David deeply uncomfortable. "I'm a background person," he says.

Even if utopias can't be built without a struggle, and can never be complete, the mood at all of these parties is thrilling to behold. The floors outside New York might benefit from believing more in themselves, yet much of their applause is directed towards the music, as well as the surprisingly rare joy of being able to dance among friends in an intimate setting. That feeling has come about because, after years of dancing together, people now recognise each other to the extent they are entirely comfortable about welcoming in new faces. "It's unbelievable," said a female dancer who came to her first London party with her two daughters. "The people here ¾ they make eye contact!" Eye contact might not be very fashionable, but then the Loft isn't about fashion. Rather, it's about putting on a party with friends. And because it doesn't follow trends, it's been able to outlast every other party in the ephemeral (yet eternally hopeful) world of dance.

 

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